NO
PERMANENT FIRENDS
NO
PERMANENT ENEMIES
 |
|
Salman
Khurshid
|
Everyone
thinks that at long last Congress party has accepted the
logic of coalition politics. It is certainly true that of
late we are visible in the arena of cooperative politics.
But it is also a fact that we have never really been against
alliances and we can prove that from the existing coalitions
we have in J & K, Meghalaya, Maharashtra etc and the
support we have given to SP in Uttar Pradesh. It is another
matter that the press refused to carry this story. In any
case, there can no longer be a debate on this. The discussion
will now be focused on which alliance has better quality
and better arithmetic. Our alliance members are still growing
and the votes they reflect are gathering in even greater
numbers.
People
appear to concentrate on alliances / coalitions as instruments
for winning elections. But that is a small part of our political
engagement. Beyond winning is also the matter of governing.
If we really care about our country as leaders and workers,
even at this stage we should work honestly for an alliance
of ideas and aspirations for the welfare of our people.
If we think big and beyond ourselves today, and continue
to do so after being voted into office, we can give the
age of coalitions a place of pride in our national history.
On the other hand if we see this, now and in future, as
an opportunity to `grab and run', history will not forgive
us.
There
are two kinds of alliances _ first, the one that begins
with leaders and filters down to the workers, and second,
the one that begins amongst the workers and gradually influences
the leaders to formalize it. Difficulties are inevitable
and differences at different levels unavoidable. Curiously
and unfortunately, in our contemporary democracy there are
seldom real ideological conflicts and confrontations at
the ground level between the broadband secular parties.
But conflicts that cause deep bitterness and distress between
workers are about everyday things _ who will get water,
electricity and roads on priority? Who will get a sympathetic
ear from police and district offices? Who will get to reach
funds meant for welfare schemes? Who can get public housing
or a school in their village?
The
Congress party had swiftly and unconditionally supported
the SP in their attempt to from a "secular" government
in Uttar Pradesh. It was another matter that for our own
reasons we chose not to join the government. In this unusual
situation, the need for a common minimum programme was greater
than it normally is. But we never got to the point of sitting
down to draft a CMP. With or without a CMP if a conscious
effort had been made to accommodate mutual expectations
there would have been something to celebrate. The prevailing
feeling of Kal ho na ho is not the best way
of cementing a relationship. Political marriages turning
into cohabitation relationships may not be very good for
the health of the political system or indeed for the partners
themselves.
The
recent congratulatory references to the Congress President's
efforts at putting together a viable pre-poll alliance often
obfuscate certain aspects that need to be noticed. This
effort involves major territorial concessions by the Congress
(at least in the matter of seats we had once dominated).
Yet for the present we remain the national party that has
the largest vote percentage at 28%. Contesting the next
election in an alliance will mean losing some vote to our
partners in seats that we concede to them but we will get
their extra votes in the seats we contest.
In
addition to territorial concessions, we have also agreed
to give up many of our postures that were shaped by recent
history. This was not easy at a personal and organizational
level. This was felt necessary in view of the paramount
concern that secular forces put up a united front against
BJP/NDA front. All political parties that have expressed
willingness to join the effort are obviously not single-issue
parties even if their public postures might indicate that.
But like us, if they are committed to secularism they will
obviously have to relegate other issues to a lower priority.
Past grievances will have to be put to rest. Arguments about
secularism, with or without one or another party, will undermine
our profaned commitment. We have also heard propositions
that secular fronts end up helping the saffron cause. It
would be helpful to know how that view was arrived at. Last
time there was no front really, if the name of the Third
Front (or what was left of it) is any thing to go by. If
there is no Third Front, the ruling NDA and the opposition
alliance can face each other directly. There will be no
distraction or distortion in the choice of the voter. The
arithmetic indicates the obvious of the result BJP's nervous
reactions confirm that. The "feel good" factor
will disappear as quickly as it came. The "shine"
will get switched off in a moment. The opposition of today
only has to make up its mind that getting a share of the
whole is better than not having anything at all. The Congress
President has generously removed all real or imagined impediments
to unity. Would it be fair that others look for new barriers?
When enemies are reaching out to be friends, it would be
a great pity that friends become estranged over the size
of the cake they will eat, a cake still in the oven.